By Robert E. Goodin, Philip Pettit, Thomas W. Pogge
This can be a excellent, yet incorrect e-book. so much key subject matters in modern political philosophy are coated, albeit from a virtually utterly analytic perspective. besides the fact that, there are a few confusing omissions. essentially the most faults of the Goodin/ Pettit ebook is its powerful secularist bias. Theism isn't really easily overlooked, it's denigrated, As Professor Elshtain mentioned in her overview, the authors look blind to the power significance of religion in political existence and idea.
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Additional resources for A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy: 2 Volume Set
The notion was that political and social order, if it was legitimate, had to be the product of some tacit contract between pre-social individuals. Such an atomistic picture was almost certainly encouraged by the discoveries of people who seemed to many Europeans to live more or less in the wild. Those discoveries nurtured the view that actual society must have evolved from a contract made by individuals in a state of nature. It may be no great accident that, in Charles Taylor’s words, ‘the great classical theorists of atomism also held to some strange views about the historicity of a state of nature in which men lived without society’ (Taylor, 1985, p.
The Nozickian reaction is tied to the idea of rights, to which he gave a new currency among analytical and other thinkers (Lomasky, 1987; see too Waldron, 1984; Frey, 1985). Other negative reactions to Rawls that stay within the analytical camp are organized around different but still more or less familiar ideas (see Miller, 1976). The idea of utility has remained a rallying point for well-known figures like R. M. Hare, John Harsanyi, Richard Brandt and Peter Singer, and it has provided a starting point for a number of newer studies (Griffin, 1986; Hardin, 1988; see too Sen and Williams, 1982).
Why should the analytical tradition have proved so resistant, over such a long period, to the idea that social values might offer the basic terms of political assessment? Why should it have tended to endorse, not just personalism, but solipsism? The main reason, I suggest, has to do with the social atomism that has characterized the tradition from its earliest days (Pettit, 1993). The social atomist holds that the solitary individual – the agent who is and always has been isolated from others – is nevertheless capable, in principle, of displaying all distinctive human capacities.